Destination: Cuba

"Trading with the Enemy" June 14 to June 28

Cubans are a determined and desperate people, harboring a strong desire to make their country better. In spite of many challenges both within and without, they inventively conquer problems and make the best of their situation with incredible resolve, resilience and ingenuity. My experience during a brief two week stay in Havana allowed me to get past the propaganda machines of both Cuba and the United States and see first- hand how the Cuban people live each day while also sharing my stories of life in America. Through a series of encounters with many native Cubans on the streets and at the University of Havana, I was able to glean an insight that is indeed rare for Americans, thanks to the United States' restrictions on travel for its citizens and the Cuban government's restrictions on media for the world. Like their U.S. neighbors to the north, I would say that Cuban citizens love their country while tolerating their government. On the one hand, it is the current regime that rallied and helped deliver them from oppression and exploitation, but it also that same government that fails to help them actualize into the prosperous society that they have the power to become. Although most citizens seemed to tolerate the restrictive conditions with frustration, nearly all Cubans that I encountered expressed that they wanted to move beyond the current third-world condition in which they live and make their lives and country better.

To Cuba's much deserved credit, it has managed to build a large state welfare system that attempts, and for the most part succeeds, in taking care of its' citizens' basic needs. The state provides rationed food and basic sundries, exhaustive and pervasive health care, equal-access to education, and universal, albeit rudimentary, housing. All Cubans qualify for medical attention and access to the universities and institutions of learning. There was no evidence of extreme poverty or sickness. Compared to my experiences in other third-world countries, Cuba has seemingly managed to ensure that all of its people are fed, nursed, well read and out of the weather. As a whole, the Cubans are very intelligent people and in discussions and encounters with them, it can be counted on that they will have an understanding of the great philosophers, political systems and basic sciences. This extensive umbrella was quite impressive, and I noticed that Cubans felt generally secure and comfortable knowing that their basic needs would be attended to by the state.

A pleasing harmony of races also appeared to exist, at least at the popular level. It was a refreshing sight to a citizen of the racially torn and weary United States to see such integration. Among the Cuban people, there seemed to be little concern of race differences except with regard to culture and music, wherein ethnicity was celebrated. Unlike the United States, there seemed to be no need for the dualistic positions of "Hey, that white guy is hanging out with a black guy" or even "that white guy should be hanging out with a black guy." The integration was inherent and the camaraderie went without saying. Upon further exploration, I asked both Afro and non-Afro Cubans about the legitimacy of the apparent positive race relations. Time and time again, I ascertained a feeling of unfair practice and suspicion that discrimination does exist at the level of state employment, especially in hotels and within the tourist industry, and especially within the state department. This seemed to be of special concern to the University students and drove much discussion and debate during our sessions. Perhaps such prejudice is an inevitable consequence of a nation which formerly enslaved minorities, as witnessed in the continued behavior in the United States (albeit regardless of affirmative action and equal employment opportunity legislation there). I would argue that it is still of great benefit to have the integration even if only initially at the popular level, something the people of the United States have failed to accomplish. Is socialism responsible for this grass-roots desegregation? I would argue that for a large part it is indeed, with an implicit goal of socialism being elimination of disparities that perhaps extended into the formerly divided Cuban population and brought together the divergent spectrum of races into "one people". If nothing else, perhaps it is the "common experience" that the people find themselves facing in Cuba, which, for better or for worse, inherently forces cooperation.

The people of Cuba lack opportunity. There seemed to be an underlying frustration with a system that denies them access to anything beyond subsistence living as provided by the State. Except in the tourist industry, there is virtually no access to dollars that can promise a better life (Financial Times Survey). (Anecdotal evidence regarding taxation placed the rate somewhere between 50 and 60 per-cent of peso-based income. "Particulars" and private businesses operating in a market of U.S. dollars also face high taxation of their profits.) In lieu of extensive education, there seemed to be no outlet for the talent cultivated in the great country of Cuba. I was told by Cubans with professional skill sets that they had to wait, often in vain, to be "placed" by the government and then they would likely see an idle or token job with no real tasks at hand to perform. In my encounters with the great people I met there, it appeared that many strived or would strive to improve their condition, but they were effectively limited at all turns by an political and economic environment that sustains and even appears to encourage mediocrity. Aspirations and dreams, whether related to one's educational background or not, seemed to be stifled – unable to unfurl and reach fruition. Man's desire for progress was not absent in the hearty and creative folks of Cuba.

Perhaps ironically, Fidel Castro described a strikingly similar situation four decades earlier in his inspiring Mancada barracks speech, specifically addressing the bleak outlook for professionals of Cuba: "physicians, engineers, lawyers, veterinarians, school teachers, dentists, pharmacists, journalists, painters, sculptors, etc. -- who graduate anxious to work and full of hope, only to find themselves at a dead-end street, all doors closed to them …" (Castro, 57). Watching doctors, lawyers and other professionals flock to the tourist industry to become drivers and guides was an indicator to me of the continued lack of true professional opportunity forty years into the Castro regime. I would argue that the very nature of socialist system destroys the stimulus to progress at a personal level. With all things being equal, including the relative pay scale, there is a fundamental "dis-incentivization" for individual achievement. Unfortunately, this ensures that the best people for a task may not rise to the occasion (hence the frequent mass exoduses of those with professional skills and an inkling of desire to make it), especially if there is no financial remuneration commensurate with the required effort in doing so. This seemed to be the case in Cuba, with divergently skilled professionals filling roles greatly departed from their area expertise and formal training.

The failures of a heavily statist and centrally planned economy were evident in my observations of modern Havana and outlying areas. Although the idealistic implementation of smart, just and competent financial controllers and economists may or may not have occurred, I believe the result of the attempt was self-evident. Although many would be quick to blame the embargo, I would argue that the severely stifled economy is due in large part to the inherent inefficiencies and expedient loss of massive economic aid from the former Soviet Bloc. The current regime has finally (reluctantly?) come to terms with the dire situation as one can see in the praise and rejuvenation of tourism, and consequently free market mechanics, destined to bring in much needed hard cash. This influx of stable currency, most desirably the U.S. dollar, is necessary to continue to correct horrendous outstanding balance of payments crisis Cuba has with nearly all of its trading partners in the world ("Joint BIS-IMF").

I observed a wistful idleness in many Cubans that seemed to hide a desire for improving their situation and using the education their government had so graciously ensured. I saw a look of frustration in many faces and desperation in many eyes. There was a seeming reluctance on the part of many to join into the dollar-chasing "tourismo" frenzy, realizing perhaps the unfairness in this system that is only available to a select few, leaving the majority of their comrades locked into the failing and unsavory minimal remuneration of the state employment system.

Service in most establishments was horrible. The Cubans working for government-operated businesses appeared oblivious to the machinations of mercantilism. This can probably be attributed to their lack of familiarity with a market system and the indications of customer service. Often, there were three to four persons involved in doing the job of one. Upon buying a single book and four stamps at a local book store, I had to first go to the rear of the store to have an invoice slip filled out (one for books, a separate one for post cards), which ended up being a lengthy process that involved two attendants. It took all of ten minutes to complete this paperwork, whereupon I was escorted to the cashier to pay cash. I had only a U.S. fifty dollar bill which caused a minor panic. I was asked to present my passport, which I did. The cashier transcribed my passport number, as well as the serial number on the bill, along with my personal information, hotel and room number before finally ringing up the items and giving me change. The entire ordeal transpired over the course of 30 minutes. There were possibly two other customers in the bookstore.

Visiting state-run restaurants meant going through the same prolonged routine, and at many places our party was ignored for a long time before finally getting the attention of a staff person who reluctantly seated us. I attributed much of the behavior of procrastination to the leisurely pace generally indicative of the Caribbean. But this could not help but lead me to an acute observation: there was an irony in the lackadaisical performance of services rendered versus the overt propaganda claiming the severe need for U.S. dollars. As Cuba moves to join the world, it will desperately need management experience to ensure quality business relations, even if it continues to primarily focus on tourism.

The currency exchange situation was indeed a mess. There are apparently three types of currency: regular Cuban pesos (with a "street" rate of 20 to 1 U.S. dollar), "convertible" pesos with a supposed one-to-one exchange with the U.S. dollar, and, of course, the U.S. dollar itself which was always the most desirable. Many times when I could have paid pesos, I was asked for U.S. dollars. This was especially true when ordering food and using taxis. Although many Cubans exhibited an attitude that Cuba "didn't need the U.S.", the behavior of its people was certainly one of need for the U.S. dollar.

On that note, from the Creton's Corner in the Museum of the Revolution to the sardonic taunting sign across from the U.S. Interests Section near the Plaza of the Revolution, Cuba makes the mistake of tearing down another to bring itself up. Propaganda against the United States was replete throughout the country, the most notable example being the visceral appeal for a return of Elian Gonzalez. Although drawing needed attention to Cuba's plight against the U.S. economic embargo, I believe the public relations machine created around the Elian saga is a double-edged sword for Castro and the regime, with wise world leaders, sympathizers or no, recognizing the desperate plight and over-reaching use of the boy as a symbol against the "tyranny" of the United States. As with most issues in Cuba, the boy's situation was elaborated on to no end using the monopolized (dare I say "hegemonic"?) public media as a ubiquitous outlet for compassionate public appeal. For a situation that was indeed succinctly "closed" in the eyes of most of the world, the belabored exploration of events occupied several hours of prime-time programming each day, with government officials and scholars debating the intricacies of the custody proceedings and generally emphasizing the need for his return to Cuba. The general public seemed unaware, or unconcerned, with the impending situation of reconciliation. The exacerbated media barrage and subsequent public focus revealed to me a population with a lot of time on its hands and a government, with cleverly implemented montages and a soundtrack of heart-string pulling music, rallying its citizens around an emotional centerpiece of the boy's (and indeed Cuba's) plight against the "evil imperialists" to the north. Without outlets for other perspectives, news and information, the Cuban people were "tunnel-visioned" with the single party mouthpiece either through television or limited newspapers. (I encountered many who struggled to tune in to Western broadcasts or snuck copies of foreign newspapers from tourists.)

Meeting many expatriates and Western wayfarers in Cuba, I was able to compare observations with foreigners, especially those who had been residing in Cuba for some time. Typically, it was agreed that the U.S. embargo was a nasty device and made it difficult for good Cuban people to obtain very basic essentials, especially medical supplies. Moreover, most noted that the Cuban people were desperately trying to improve their lives. We observed that they did not want pity, for they have the wherewithal to accomplish things on their own. But they did seem to want equal access to opportunity, which was far and away exclusive only to those lucky enough to have residency cards for Havana and brave enough to leave their state jobs behind in search of the U.S. dollar from tourists. I talked of this "jumping into the sea" of self-employment with several Cubans and learned that many were simply willing to take the risk so that they might be able to save and purchase (at exclusive "dollar" stores) food and items beyond their meager state-dispensed rations.

My trip to the island nation was on the tail end of a much touted and generally successful visit by prominent North American business leaders and executives, entertained by Cuba's Minister of Trade and Fidel Castro himself. The goal of the meeting was to understand the future opportunities of U.S. investment and trade with Cuba. To quote the Minister of Trade, "Cuba is prepared to buy anything and everything from the United States." Castro even personally entertained questions of port infrastructure and golf course development ("Cuba Ready to Buy"). This is an invigorating and hopeful incident, the positive effects of which would greatly assist the beleaguered economy and people of the country. This approach also places Cuba precariously between two fundamentally different ideologies – one of free market policies and open opportunity and the other of state-controlled economics and mandated employment. Time will tell how the government of Cuba reconciles this situation. I can only hope for the best for the Cuban people.

To be sure, the Cubans have much to be proud of and face many challenges ahead. They struggled and succeeded in usurping power from a corrupt regime and have managed to maintain a revolutionary and defiant spirit against constant pressures from their giant neighbor to the north, the United States. In spite of the debilitative U.S.- imposed embargo that prevents trade between Cuba and most of the world, their inventiveness has prevailed and their spirit has allowed them to harbor strength and continue in the face of severe shortages. However, a vacuum exists that no amount of revolutionary zeal can fill. The boot-strapping fervor and "hunker down" mentality seems to be a harder and harder sell as the rest of the world zooms into the 21st century. After having ignited sovereignty, pride and honor in the people, the party and its propaganda seems to be unable to single-handedly placate a people who are ready to move beyond and build their nation into an even better place. Nationalism exists, but the tactics (and perhaps not the strategy) of socialism seems to be coming under reticent scrutiny by the people. It is undoubtedly an increasingly difficult effort to "sell" the revolution to new generations of Cubans, those who never witnessed the corruption and exploitation prior to the ousting of Batista. The Cuban people are looking toward a better future in perhaps a very different political and economic environment, and, as a native acquaintance succinctly put it, the question for the dynamic and resolute island nation then realistically becomes, "Socialism – at what cost?" With the world entering a new era of prosperity and cooperation, and most wars and domestic uprisings being ethnic or religious in nature, the threat of an "anti-revolutionary" overthrow or external invasion seems to be diminishing and a new breed of optimistic Cuban patriots is being presented with the same challenge that the rest of humanity now faces: the task of peaceful and prosperous evolution.

Castro, Fidel. History Will Absolve Me. Havana: Editorial José Martí, 1998.

"Cuba Ready to Buy 'Anything' From U.S." Reuters. June 9 2000.

Financial Times Survey: Cuba. June 30, 2000. Financial Times Country Briefs .

Joint BIS-IMF-OECD-World Bank statistics on external debt. May 31, 2000. Organization for Economic Cooperation and Development .